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Full text of "Poland Russia and Great Britain 1941-1945"

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in command of great Imperial Power, but they also go as representatives
of a great Christian people.
... I would never encourage the Poles to believe that they could get
this territory back. I would not encourage them to believe that we can help
them to do it. All we can do is to aid them to achieve a Poland as nearly
as possible equal in status to what it was before the war.
Sir William Beveridge (Liberal} : ... I am afraid that I cannot
accept all the arguments which the Prime Minister gave in support of his
proposals as to Poland. I need not emphasise the differences except to say
that the fact that Russia has liberated any part of Poland is not any reason
why she should have any part of it. ... I do not feel happy about the
suggestion that Poland should be encouraged to extend westwards into
territories which are now German^ and which presumably will still
be occupied by Germans. It is not necessary for the purpose of giving the
Poles a proper homeland. The Prime Minister committed himself—
I do not know whether he meant to commit the House—to certain changes
in Upper Slesia. They are not in the White Paper.
. . . We must take great care to make certain that those who, on our
behalf, are concerned with the formation or advising as to the formation
of the new Provisional Government have every opportunity for their work ;
that they are able to discover facts not only in Moscow but in Poland,,
that they are able to make certain that before the election takes place,
all Poles, wherever they may be,, have got back to Poland ; that they should
make certain that all Poles, whether pro-Russian or not can become candi-
dates ; and finally., that the election is held fairly and under international
observation, which means elections held after the withdrawal of any Soviet
armies and any Soviet police. All of us must be there on equal terms as
international observers. That is essential. Our honour is pledged, if we
support this Vote of Confidence., to see that Poland gets an independent
Government, chosen to please the Poles and no one else. We cannot accept
anything that does not allow us to fulfil that obligation.
Captain McEwen (Conservative) : ... But I chiefly regret Poland.
Poland;, if not the reason for, was at any rate the occasion of, our declaring
war in 1939, and it will be denied by nobody that our relations with Poland
have ever since then been excellent, and moreover that the services rendered
by the Poles to us and the Allied cause in every theatre of the European
war have been beyond all praise. . . . Even before the recent (Crimean)
Conference, doubts were expressed in many quarters concerning what
might be the result of that Conference when it was held. I have a copy of the
Memorandum given by the Polish Government to His Majesty's
Government and the American Government on 22nd January, which states
that the Polish Government are confident that the Government of Great
Britain will not agree to be a party to decisions concerning the Polish Govern-
ment without the consent of that Government. In the same document
the Polish Government express the hope that at the conference of Allied
Powers, the British Government will give expression to their resolve not
to recognise the puppet Government and say that the recognition of such a
Government in Poland would be tantamount to a betrayal of the inhabitants
of Poland, in defence of whom the present war was begun. That shows
at least, that these doubts were held and felt in many quarters. Nor was
it any secret that His Majesty's Government's Ambassador in Moscow
was strongly of the opinion that the Lublin Committee ought to be recogni-
sed as the sole legitimate Government of Poland at an early date. I think
there was no secret about that. . . . This is something evidently which is
capable of widely divergent interpretation. On the one hand, my right hon.